No to Foreign Forces in Our Land: Defend Our Sovereignty

Date:

Nigeria’s history is replete with principled resistance to foreign military domination. At critical moments, our leaders—civilian and military alike—have asserted our sovereignty and rejected external interference. That legacy must not be abandoned.

Historical Lessons We Must Not Forget

In 1960, shortly after independence, Nigeria signed the Anglo-Nigerian Defence Pact with the United Kingdom. The agreement, presented as a framework for mutual defense and military training, was widely perceived by Nigerians as a neo-colonial arrangement. Public opposition was swift and intense. By January 1962, the Tafawa Balewa administration was compelled to abolish the pact. The message was clear: political independence without military sovereignty is incomplete.

Again, in 1976, on the eve of an extraordinary summit of the former Organisation of African Unity (OAU) convened to support the liberation of Angola and the MPLA government, the United States attempted to dissuade African leaders from backing the Angolan liberation movement. At the time, Western powers were supporting rival factions in Angola in order to undermine the anti-colonial struggle.

Nigeria led the African rejection of that pressure. In a historic speech at the OAU summit, General Murtala Mohammed declared that Africa had come of age and would no longer operate under the orbit of any extra-continental power. His words were not mere rhetoric; they were a declaration of continental dignity and sovereign equality.

Attempts at Military Agreements: A Troubling Pattern

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In 2001, a proposed Military Cooperation Agreement between the United States and Nigeria was withdrawn after strong opposition from Nigeria’s Ministry of Defence, which objected to being excluded from negotiations.

In 2003, Nigeria signed a Bilateral Immunity Agreement (BIA) with the United States—effectively shielding American citizens from surrender to the International Criminal Court (ICC). By 2005, the Nigerian Senate nullified the agreement, citing constitutional violations and inconsistency with the Rome Statute.

These episodes demonstrate a consistent national principle: foreign military arrangements must comply with Nigeria’s Constitution and must never compromise our sovereignty.

The Present Concern

On December 25, 2025, U.S. President Donald Trump announced that American forces had conducted air strikes against Islamic State militants in Nigeria. Nigeria’s Foreign Minister confirmed that the operation had been coordinated with Nigerian authorities.

Shortly thereafter, on February 4, 2026, reports emerged that the United States had deployed a “small team of troops” to Nigeria. While Nigerian officials described them as advisory personnel supporting intelligence and training, details regarding their mandate, location, size, and duration remain undisclosed. It has since been reported that no fewer than 200 American soldiers are present on Nigerian soil.

This development raises serious constitutional and sovereignty concerns.

The Constitutional Question

Section 12(1) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria provides:

“No treaty between the Federation and any other country shall have the force of law except to the extent to which such treaty has been enacted into law by the National Assembly.”

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If there exists a mutual defence pact or expanded bilateral agreement permitting foreign troop deployment or the establishment of a foreign military base in Nigeria, such an arrangement must be laid before and enacted by the National Assembly. Anything short of this procedure raises constitutional red flags.

The Nigerian people deserve transparency. West Africa needs transparency and leadership at a critical time when many West African countries are seeking to liberate themselves from neo-colonialism, we cannot go in the opposite direction.

Nigeria Is Not Incapable

Nigeria’s Armed Forces have a distinguished record in international peacekeeping under the United Nations and the African Union. Nigeria played a leading role in ECOMOG operations in Liberia and Sierra Leone. Our military institutions have decades of experience in counterinsurgency and regional stabilization.

Rather than outsourcing our security, Nigeria should:

• Fully equip and modernise the Nigeria Police Force and the Armed Forces
• Strengthen intelligence coordination
• Improve welfare and morale of troops
• Invest in domestic defence production
• Address socio-economic drivers of insecurity

Section 217 of the Constitution clearly establishes the Armed Forces for the defence of Nigeria’s territorial integrity and the suppression of insurrection.

Our security responsibility cannot be subcontracted indefinitely.

Sovereignty Is Not Symbolic

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Sovereignty is not a ceremonial concept. It is the foundation of statehood. Once foreign troops are stationed on national soil without transparent constitutional processes, sovereignty is diluted—incrementally, perhaps quietly—but meaningfully.

Nigeria must not drift into arrangements that future generations will struggle to reverse.

History teaches us that sovereignty surrendered in the name of expediency is rarely easily reclaimed.

Conclusion

Nigeria has, in the past, rejected neo-colonial defence pacts. Nigeria has resisted foreign political directives. Nigeria has nullified agreements that violated constitutional principles.

We must remain consistent with that tradition.

If there is an expanded military agreement permitting foreign troop deployment or the establishment of a foreign base, it must be:
1. Publicly disclosed,
2. Subjected to constitutional scrutiny, and
3. Approved by the National Assembly.

Anything less undermines democratic accountability and national sovereignty.

Nigeria can defeat terrorism. But we must do so as a sovereign nation.
Our sovereignty is under threat.
We must stand up and defend it.

Signatories
Femi Falana SAN
Prof Jibrin Ibrahim
Dr Abubakar Siddique Mohammed
Dr Dauda Garuba
Prof Massaud Omar
Prof Mohammed Kuna
Eng YZ Ya’u
Dr Usman Bugaje

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