By Bukar Maha
On February 28, 2026, the United States and Israel launched a joint military operation against Iran, resulting in the killing of Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei who succeeded the Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the last king of Iran in February 1979. The military operation caused a wide international outcry due to the alleged violation of a number of norms of international law.
The United Nations Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres, condemned the air-strikes on Iran, referring to the prohibition of the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of other countries, which is enshrined in the UN Charter, one of the key sources of international law. In his opinion, the operation posed a ‘’serious threat to international peace and security.’’
Officials of the U.S. and Israel claim that their actions were a response to threats from Iranian authorities, in particular to the creation and possible use of nuclear weapons. However, many international lawyers have pointed out that such vague justifications are not enough. According to Article 51 of the UN Charter, a State can use force in self-defense only in response to an armed attack.
The preventive use of force is allowed only in the presence of an ‘’imminent threat,’’ and hostile rhetoric alone is not enough to legitimize a preventive attack. The assassination of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in this preventive attack has raised questions about the legality of the targeted removal of the Supreme Leader and head of state. The Geneva Conventions distinguish between civilians and combatants (persons involved in armed conflict).
From the view point of international humanitarian law, soldiers of regular armies, guerrillas and military leadership are considered to be combatants. Heads of state can become combatants if they have the status of supreme commanders. Even in this case, killing them should be in a measure proportional to the threat. According to human rights activist and lawyer, Gissa Nia, of the Atlantic Council Think Tank, ‘’the airstrikes on Iran also violated the US domestic laws governing the order for the outbreak of hostilities.’’
The attack was prepared in advance against the background of resumed negotiation process over the Iranian nuclear program and signals that Israel had no intention of going to a military confrontation with Iran. Analysts affirm that the actions of the US undermine the key principles of international law – non-interference in internal affairs, non-threat of force and peaceful settlement of disputes.
Frankly speaking, the reaction of the international community confirms the seriousness of the accusations. In addition to the United Nations, Russia, China, Turkey, Pakistan and other countries condemn the actions of the US and Israel. Thus, the key claims amounted to a violation of the fundamental principles of international law, including the prohibition of the use of force, rules of self-defense, norms regarding the status of political leaders, as well as the principles of peaceful conflict resolution. This confirms the neocolonial practice of removing undesirable regimes. Who will be next?
This attack by the US and Israel might ironically ensure that Iran discard its official civilian nuclear doctrine and opt for nuclear weapons as a deterrent, the very outcome the war is ostensibly designed to prevent. Instead of fostering pro-American attitudes or promoting a desirable political transition, this invasion might push Iran toward a more militarized political order dominated by more radical political actors like the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).
The 2003 invasion of Iraq by the United States did not produce a stable pro-American democracy; instead, it fueled resentment and insurgency. Critics view the current U.S invasion of Iran as repeating these same strategic errors, with similar risks of failure. Now Iran has been destabilized with this invasion, it is already triggering internal fragmentation, regional instability and global economic shock.
Bukar Maha writes from Kaduna
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