Tuesday Column By VICTORIA NGOZI IKEANO
vikeano@yahoo.co.uk 08033077519
Ordinarily, May 29 would have been one of celebration in Government Houses and the Villa, celebration of aniversary of their accession to the throne as governors and president. Usually, it is a week-long affair replete with various activities and culminating with a banquet dinner splashed with cultural entertainment on the D-Day, May 29. The ambience would have been one of conviviality whether for first termers or second termers. Today, in year 2022, the story was different. The air instead was filled with tension as all our elected leaders were engaged in their parties’ primaries with its associated high wire politicking and intrigues, desirous to see that their favoured aspirants emerge as candidates. We the bystanders or observers were no less anxious as we eagerly awaited those that the ‘almighty’ party delegates would present to us as candidates from which the larger electorate would elect Nigeria’s next president or our next governors as the case may be, come February next year. Thus, the country was/is on edge so to speak. And the international community is just as interested to have a glimpse of who would be piloting affairs of the world’s most populous black nation and Africa’s second largest economy, come May 29, 2023 when President Mohammadu Buhari exits the scene upon completion of his constitutionally mandated two terms. In short everyone’s eyes, here in Nigeria and in the diaspora, abroad, was/is fixed on particularly the ruling APC and main opposition PDP primaries. Thus, little or no attention was paid to the anniversary date of May 29 by both the celebrants themselves and the general public. The important event of May 29 is/was relegated to the background. Yet there can never be another May 29, 2022 after this. –
Another issue that our elected leaders especially governors are concerned about is the apparently unintended exclusion of statutory delegates in the primaries. Statutory delegates are elected persons like National Assemblies/State Houses of Assembly members, local government chairmen, governors and the president himself. Others are ministers and special advisers to the president as well as commissioners and special advisers to a governor. All of these are referred to as super delegates. It is the reason why governors flood their cabinets with many people and appoint numerous special advisers. Since they, governors usually determine who becomes local council chairman (the election being conducted by state electoral commissions) and also have a big say in who flies their party’s flag at Assembly election, these persons are more or less beholden to the governors. Cabinet appointees are of course, expected to be loyal to their principal, the governors. Having these numerous ‘super delegates’ under their belt in their various states, is it any wonder that governors often succeed in getting their anointed persons elected as their parties’ candidates especially with respect to their successors for those whose two term tenure is running out?
With the disenfranchisement, these statutory delegates that includes governors and the president, can no longer vote at primaries, indeed, they should ordinarily not be seen at the venue. At best, they can only be observers, not participants certainly. This exclusion came about by a twist of fate, brought about by our lawmakers themselves through an oversight. Since nothing happens by accident in Creation, deep-thinking people would say it was brought about by Providence and since we often speak of Wise Providence, we may say that it can be a first step towards reordering our political landscape by the unseen hands of Providence. Realising their ‘mistake’ both chambers of the National Assembly quickly amended that particular section of the electoral act and also speedily sent it to Mr. President for his assent; by which time however, President Buhari had apparently bought into the idea that party primary elections can jolly well do without super delegates. This has reduced the number of delegates by thousands. For example, where one of the two political parties was formerly expecting over thousands of people to vote at its presidential primary, the voters are reduced to just over 700. The electors are made up of a fixed number of elected ad-hoc delegates in each local government of the 36 states and the federal capital territory as determined by each political party. Nonetheless, the governors as leaders of their parties in their states still have considerable influence on these ad-hoc delegates. And they are succeeding largely, as results from the primary elections indicate.
In Delta state, Governor Ifeanyi Okowa’s preferred candidate to take over from him (current Speaker of the State’s House of Assembly, Sheriff Oborevwori) triumphed over that of James Ibori, the erstwhile godfather; Governor Nyesom Wike’s choice (Fubara) was equally successful. What is significant about the governor’s candidate is that this is the first time since birth of the fourth Republic in 1999 that a non-Ikwerre speaking person (who constitute the majority in Rivers state) is being chosen as the ruling party’s gubernatorial flagbearer. APC also chose a non Ikwerre man as its governorship candidate, Tonye Coyle. Thus we are about to have a first Rivers state governor from the riverine part of the state. Former deputy senate president, Senator Ike Ekweremade who has been in the senate since 2003 to-date, withdrew from the Enugu state governorship race at the 11th hour having apparently seen the signal that delegates would abide by the agreement between Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi and stakeholders that the gubernatorial ticket be zoned to Enugu West senatorial zone. Not so in Taraba state where some stakeholders are not happy that the party’s chosen flagbearer is from same zone as the departing Governor Dairus Ishaku. A female governorship candidate emerged in Adamawa APC, defeating notable persons as Nuhu Ribadu and the immediate past governor, Bindow. All first term governors in both APC and PDP have been reelected as candidates.
A new phenomenon has arisen though, that of departing governor and deputy governor jointly clinching their party’s senate ticket, which means two of the three senate seats. We already have some former governors turned senators winning their tickets for re-election. Should this trend continue, then the senate chamber would in no time be made up of former state governors completely. Bauchi presents an interesting case where incumbent Governor Bala Mohammed, a first termer who is constitutionally entitled to a second tenure is not going for it as often happens and as should be the case. Mohammed, a former minister of the federal capital territory (FCT) instead, contested for his party’s presidential ticket but lost. Already, the governor’s former secretary to the state government (SSG), Ibrahim Kashim his choice, has clinched the PDP’s ticket to succeed him. I find Governor Mohammed’s action of not going for a second term rather unusual. Is it that he prefers the Abuja environment to that of his state? Does he have a Plan B to retake the gubernatorial ticket? Alhaji Atiku Abubakar clinched PDP’s presidential ticket, thanks to Governor Aminu Tambuwal’s last minute stepping down for Atiku, leaving people wondering what will be Governor Nyesome Wike’s fate? The ruling APC’s own presidential primary is next. We hold our breadth for the result. Interesting times await us.
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