State Police: Get the framework right

The death of former Director of Defence Information, Major General Rabe Abubakar (Retd), in captivity on Saturday, June 13, 2026, after three weeks with his abductors alongside his wife, is a sober reminder of the security trials confronting the nation. Though the Katsina State Government cited natural causes, a suggestion his family has contradicted, the fact that a senior officer could be seized and held for weeks underscores a crisis that still claims lives and livelihoods. His passing cannot, therefore, be treated as another statistic.

This loss comes as families in Borno, Oyo, and Zamfara still await the return of kidnapped schoolchildren and community elders. Banditry and abductions continue to disrupt farming, commerce, and daily life, forcing many communities to negotiate their safety with non-state actors. The economic cost is steep, but the human cost is steeper. Markets close early, schools shut down, and entire villages are displaced because government’s protection feels distant.

In his Democracy Day address on Friday, June 12, President Tinubu restated security as a priority of his administration. He pointed to increased defence provisions in the 2026 budget and ongoing recruitment into the Nigeria Police Force and paramilitary agencies as evidence of federal commitment. Those steps are necessary, but Nigerians are measuring government by results on the ground, not by appropriations on paper.

Last week the National Assembly also voted to amend the constitution to permit State Police, opening a new phase in a debate that has lasted decades. As part of the coconstitutional endments, there’s a bill to transfer security funding to first line charge. The move reflects a growing consensus that the current centralized policing structure is overstretched. Proponents argue that State Police would bring law enforcement closer to communities, improving intelligence gathering and response times because officers would know the terrain, the language, and the local conflict dynamics.

Yet serious questions remain and deserve honest answers before implementation begins. The first is coordination. Can federal and state agencies be designed to complement rather than compete? Without clear command protocols for major incidents, we risk turf wars that criminals will exploit. The second is fiscal capacity. Do the states have the resources to fund, train, and equip new services to the professional standard Nigerians expect? A poorly paid, poorly kitted State Police would only reproduce the problems we seek to solve. The third is insulation from abuse. What safeguards will ensure these structures stay non-partisan, rights-respecting, and subject to civilian oversight?

No single tier of government can solve this alone. If State Police is to work, legislation must be backed by transparent, sustainable financing. New commands need guaranteed resources for training, equipment, and welfare, or they will fail from inception. Public confidence will also depend on strong checks. Independent state policing commissions, with members drawn from the judiciary, civil society, and federal agencies, should guide recruitment, operations, and accountability within constitutional bounds. Just as important is coordination. State and federal agencies have different strengths, and defined protocols for intelligence sharing and joint operations will prevent duplication while ensuring local knowledge reinforces federal capacity.

General Rabe’s passing should focus minds on implementation. The President’s commitments and the National Assembly’s action show recognition of the crisis. The test now is translating budgets and laws into safety for the farmer in Faskari, the teacher in Jibia, and families across the country.

The National Assembly has opened the door to State Police. Governors and the Presidency must ensure it does not become another underfunded, politicized experiment. Nigerians deserve more than condolences and communiqués. They deserve results.